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I agree with the points that have been made so far about how important remuneration is to improving diversity. Is there any evidence out there that we could use to support that view? I am thinking particularly of international evidence. Is there any international evidence that remuneration levels for councillors being set higher leads to increased diversity among candidates and elected councillors?

Similarly, can you speculate on whether the bill would have any impact on the local authority local development plans that will follow on from NPF4?

Thank you. That would be welcome.

I also want to talk about legal disqualification from standing for a council. Employees of a local authority, for example, are legally disqualified from standing as candidates for that council. Given that the predominant proportion of employees in local authorities is female, is that disqualification a bigger barrier to female candidates? They will have good knowledge of the inner workings of the organisation and would bring so much to an elected role.

Good morning. Does COSLA have any information or data nationally on the issue of female councillors voluntarily standing down after one or perhaps two terms? In my local authority area, five female councillors voluntarily stood down at the last election, and two of them were elected in by-elections, so they did not even have a full five-year term. That is a huge number for just one local authority. Do you have any data on the position nationally?

I apologise for arriving late, convener, and to you, minister, if you covered this point in your opening statement.

The committee understands that the revised draft of national planning framework 4 is due out shortly. Has there been an analysis of any impact that the bill might have on NPF4 and on the timeframe for approval?

We have talked about cultural and financial barriers, and I want to touch on legal barriers as well. Those who work for a local authority are disqualified from standing for election, and there are disqualifications around bankruptcy and other things. Are the disqualifications appropriate? Given the context of the cost of living crisis and interest rates shooting through the roof, councillors could become bankrupt because of the levels of remuneration. Why should someone who has that lived experience be disqualified from becoming a councillor? Why should someone who has the experience of working in, say, a social care setting be disqualified from becoming a councillor, when someone who provides care in the independent sector and is contracted by a council can stand for election?

Particularly in the central belt, some councillors work for local authorities that are right next door, but that is much more difficult to do in island or more rural communities. What are your views on some of the legal disqualifications from standing to be a councillor? Are they appropriate, given that the legislation on that was set out in the 1970s?

Councillor Morrison touched briefly on how the role of a councillor and the responsibilities and burdens on councillors have changed over the past 15 years. Will you expand on that and, given that context of changes, reflect on whether it is even remotely sustainable for councillors to continue on the current levels of pay?

I draw attention to my entry in the register of members’ interests. I am the owner of a private rented property in the North Lanarkshire Council area.

My question follows on from Paul McLennan’s question. It is for Aaron Hill and John Blackwood. Have you considered, with regard to the review period and the option to extend the rent freeze, whether there should be a separation of the social and private sectors, given that they operate in different legal and regulatory environments? Should there be a separate review and decision for each sector?

Good morning, minister. I want to ask about the effective rent cap period. I think that you said in your opening remarks that the cap will apply to notices made on or after 6 September this year. Does that mean that any notice given to a private tenant before that date is still actionable? In other words, can rent rises still go ahead up until 5 December?

I have one more question, which is about what will happen if the freeze is extended beyond 31 March. It is directed at Aaron Hill and John Kerr.

You have talked about there being a caveated acceptance of a freeze up to 31 March but have said that there would be a real and dramatic impact on investment programmes if rents were to be frozen beyond then. Do you feel that any decision to extend the freeze should be accompanied by financial assistance for the social sector to maintain essential supply-side programmes and programmes that support tenants through the cost of living crisis?