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On the whole, that is mostly done on an LCM by LCM basis. We have to look at how Scotland and devolution would be affected.

I go back to the fact that part of the difficulty that we have had has been to do with the fact that, on some occasions—regardless of how good our officials’ relationships have been with UK officials—the first time that we have seen an LCM has been on publication, or perhaps a day beforehand. That does not give us the time and scope to do the scrutiny work that we need to do.

The process is done on an LCM by LCM basis. The decision will be made on the basis of how Scotland would be affected from a legal or a policy perspective over the period in question.

The rule, Mr Kerr, would be legislative competence in Scotland.

That is now on the Official Report.

Doreen Grove and I were having that very conversation as we came in. She will articulate that a lot better than I could.

Nothing jumps out from the recommendations as being the go-to, other than the fact that I want to get this right. I want the work to be of value to those involved in the process and I want to ensure that I, as a minister, can say that I was part of that process and that we managed to deliver something that changed our democracy for the better.

If David Torrance is looking for a definition, I like what Doreen said: “Better ways to do stuff.” That sums up everything we have spoken about for the last few minutes.

In reflecting on those points, you raise a valid point about the inherent tension between representative democracy and participative democracy. There are inevitably conflicts. We can all sit here and notionally say, “Oh, it’d be great if everybody just agreed”—we might think that, if we just throw everybody into the process, it will spit out a harmonious outcome. In reality, however, that is very rarely the outcome. In politics, there are relationships and dynamics in conflict, and the potential for tyranny, whether by a majority or a minority.

I am keen to understand a bit more about, and hear your honest reflections on, the limitations of this approach. I will highlight one example that always strikes me—well, there are actually two. In my experience, participatory budgeting can often be an exercise in which those with the sharpest elbows win. Whoever can hustle the most people to an event—

As Doreen Grove said, we regularly look to international experience to try to find out what is best practice. I am sorry if I am repeating myself, but this is not going to happen overnight. We need to ensure that we get to a place where it is right, proper and delivers what we and—more important—the public want it to deliver. Will that always be simple? Probably not. It would be difficult to define it, but I understand why they came to that conclusion. Doreen, do you want to come in on that?

I will bring in Doreen Grove.

I remind Mr Ewing what I said about the children and young people’s assembly that we plan to do. We will ensure that young people from throughout Scotland will be included regardless of where they come from and live. That is important. The equality and inclusion aspect of the work is extremely important to get a balanced view. It also means that we do not get the usual suspects turning up at various events.