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My other question relates to the social media situation. I have not, unlike Willie Rennie, had lots of complaints about violence in schools in my constituency. I have had a lot to do with additional support needs and individual parents. However, I had two secondary 3 classes from Dunblane in Parliament recently, on the same day that the convener was asking questions about behaviour in schools.

I asked the two teachers about their experience, and they said that one of the most alarming things was the increase in misogyny. I was interested to hear somebody talk about misogyny becoming a hate crime, which I think is the Government’s intention. In particular, those teachers mentioned young men seeing Andrew Tate and repeating the stuff that he says.

Is that your experience, Beinn? I ask you first of all because you are a young man. Have the others had the same experience? Those teachers were just stunned by some of the stuff that was being said. It is like we are going backwards rather than forwards.

What I referred to was not a youth forum; it was young people being members of the council’s education committee.

We all feel like that from time to time.

I know that we are stuck for time, so I will ask two quick questions.

There has been a lot of discussion about engagement. The vast bulk of education is delivered through local authorities. I am aware of one local authority that appointed a pupil from each of its secondary schools to its statutory education committee. It tried to give them full voting rights, but it was not allowed to do so by law. Have you heard of any other councils doing that? Would it be a good idea?

I am not saying that what you said about the relative size of the respective GVAs of the fishing and energy sectors is not true, but it is usually what we hear from UK Governments before the fishing industry is sold down the river—excuse the pun—which we do not want to see. Secondly, whether it is around energy bills or inhibitions on investment or the million immigrants that we were told that we would not have but that, lo and behold, we do have—which I do not have a problem with, nor do I have one with attracting more people to fill skills shortages—Brexit has been a bit of a disaster.

My final question—and it will be my final question as, unlike Mr Kerr, I will not ask five further questions after it—is a simple one but might be complicated to answer. You have talked about making the transmission of electricity instantaneous and so on—I forget the adjectives that you used—but, presumably, you would still be able to measure how much you are exporting.

When I did a trade mission to Berlin, I found out that Germany is desperate for more energy—particularly renewable energy—from Scotland, as Mr Kerr mentioned, although it has taken a different route with nuclear to some extent. If you had the perfect scenario where the carbon swapping scheme was implemented and it was pretty instantaneous, can you say, given your expertise in the energy field, whether it is now possible to measure how much is being exported and imported from the UK to the EU? Do you have any indication of the exports from Scotland? I am talking about oil and gas exports as well, because I think that a lot of it is sold on the spot market in Amsterdam. There seems to be no reliable record of how much energy is leaving Scotland, either to serve the rest of the UK or, in turn, being exported from the rest of the UK. Are you aware of any data that would help us in that regard?

Good morning to the witnesses. I wonder whether I could make a few comments and ask for, in particular, Mr Berman’s views on what I have to say. First, the linking of fisheries and energy by the EU seems entirely predictable. It is well aware that UK Governments of various descriptions have, over the past 40 years, shafted the fishing industry because it has been seen as dispensable. If the EU wants more from us, as I am sure it does in relation to fishing, it will tie it into something that we have an ask for, which is energy. That is entirely predictable and sensible from its point of view, but it spells danger for our fishing industry.

At the start of the meeting, Mr Berman, you mentioned the increased prices that we pay for energy in this country as a direct result of Brexit, the very substantial limitations on investment in the North Sea and the opportunities that are being lost day in, day out. I think that you were talking mainly about renewable energy, but it also affects oil and gas. That is a huge issue, especially as we pay some of the highest energy prices not just in Europe but around the world. The cost of energy for consumers in this country compared with those in France is massive. That must be impacted by the two direct effects of Brexit of increased prices and limited investment.

Given that, it surprises me that we have heard a lot about recognition of professional qualifications, which Mr Bain quite rightly talked about, but this is the first I am hearing about the impact on the energy side of the issue. Perhaps that is my omission, but I am not seeing a lot of news on it. I know that we have three major parties that are all happy with Brexit and mainstream media that were basically cheerleaders for Brexit, but despite that, I would have thought that the issue would have hit the news before now. That suggests that people such as you, and possibly the committee, may want to give the issue of electricity trading arrangements a bit more volume, especially because of its impact in Scotland. It might be useful for the committee to write to the UK Government about it. I am surprised that it has not really been at the forefront of anyone’s mind—perhaps I am missing something.

I am also a bit sceptical about the UK’s ability to get a beneficial deal on the energy changes that you would like there to be, given that, as we have read this week in The Guardian, the UK Government is not interested in a mobility scheme or in changing Brexit at all. Polly Toynbee wrote that article, and she is pretty well informed as to what the Labour Government is thinking.

Given that, and your comment about the UK Government not really paying any attention to the issue, it seems that the outlook is pessimistic, unless we can all put our good offices together to bring some pressure to bear—not on the EU, as it will follow its own interests, which it is perfectly entitled to do, but on the UK Government—to make it more of an issue. It would be useful to get your views on that.

As I have said, I do not have a further question, but does Mr Bain want to come back on any of the points that have been raised?

Good morning. I am a wee bit stunned by the diversity in the responses, which go from quoting the OBR talking about a 15 per cent drop in trade intensity over the long term, which is absolutely astonishing if you think about the impact on the economy, to a statement that Brexit has not really moved the dial. I find it hard to reconcile those two different views.

My specific question is the balance of payments, which is something we used to agonise over. I appreciate that this information may not be readily to hand for the panel members, but the balance of payments for the UK has been massively negative over a long period, although Scotland’s balance of payments has—notionally, I suppose—been positive, with exports exceeding imports over a long period. Are any members of the panel aware of how that might have changed as a result of Brexit? I imagine, for example, that if there is any data on Northern Ireland, that would have seen an improvement given its special status, but I am just guessing.

Before I bring Professor Portes in, I note in response to what Mr Buckley has just said that the vast majority of the evidence that the committee has heard has veered towards identifying disastrous effects. People have said that they stopped trading with the EU immediately. An example is small seafood producers. Some businesses have outsourced to parts of the EU and others have had to go through parts of the EU in order to continue. On the point about the lack of data, as a former economy secretary in Scotland, I note that it is very difficult to get information about Scotland from UK sources. The information is very often not disaggregated and it is often based just on surveys.

I appreciate that it is difficult, but my question was about the balance of payments. Professor Portes, can you say anything about what the balance of payments was before Brexit over the longer term and what it might be now? I realise that it is difficult, but is there any way in which you can disaggregate that to different parts of the UK?

I will bring in our last witness. Professor, on that point, you said that, even with the best will in the world, the information is not available. There is no will to look at the information on exactly the point that you made. What are Scotland’s exports? We can think about whisky and oil, but oil comes ashore, it gets sold in the Netherlands and it is apportioned to the UK. There is a lot of clarity on fiscal transfers but very little on what goes out of Scotland. I ask the last professor to wind up on that, if possible.