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I will press amendment 13. The cabinet secretary already stated on record that relevant authorities need only to consider the plans, not adhere to them. Therefore, amendment 13 means that they will be adhered to. It seems to me meaningless to have plans that will not be adhered to. That is my reason for pressing the amendment.

I thank Rachael Hamilton for her support and her attention to detail. The Scottish good food commission should, of course, be the Scottish food commission, but it nevertheless gives me an excuse to say that we should all be aspiring to give everyone a good, nutritious diet. If the amendment is agreed to, I undertake to correct the name at stage 3.

I have listened very closely to the cabinet secretary. Initially, in her winding-up, she seemed to say that she would work with Ariane Burgess to reach an agreement on this; latterly, though, she seemed to include the rest of us. Before I decide to press or withdraw amendment 26, it would be good to hear from the cabinet secretary that she will indeed work with everybody who seeks to amend the bill at this stage and that it will not be a stitch-up between her and the Greens. [Interruption.]

Given that amendment 26A has been disagreed to and given what I said earlier about having constructive discussions with the cabinet secretary, I will withdraw amendment 26. However, I reserve the right to come back to the matter at stage 3.

Amendment 26, by agreement, withdrawn.

Amendment 56 moved—[Rachael Hamilton].

In February, the cabinet secretary told the Rural Affairs, Islands and Natural Environment Committee that

“it is the Good Food Nation (Scotland) Bill that will put in place the long-term planning that is necessary to make both the practical and cultural changes that we need to make human rights around food a reality for everyone in Scotland.”—[Official Report, Rural Affairs, Islands and Natural Environment Committee, 23 February 2022; c 2.]

I welcome that commitment. The bill has the potential to be world leading in its approach, and amendment 1 seeks to put that aim and purpose in the bill. When we introduce legislation, its central aim should be clear for all to see in the bill. The Scottish Government has committed to enshrine our human rights into Scots law, and I welcome that step. However, without legislation and policies in place, that will simply repeat the rights that we already have.

As part of our ratification of international treaties, we already have the right to food. Despite that, we have a growing problem with hunger and malnutrition, which we must address. If we do not implement that right to food, we will store up problems for the future, such as the cost of poor health, the resurfacing of diseases due to malnutrition and the impact of hunger on our younger generations. It is impossible to learn on an empty stomach, so I welcome moves towards free school meals and policies that address holiday hunger. However, those policies are simply sticking plasters for the problem. To deal with hunger, we need to deal with the root causes and allow every family to be able to feed their children. The inability to do that is inhumane and soul destroying. With this bill, we have the opportunity to put in train policies to deal with that. I urge members to support the amendment in my name.

I move amendment 1.

Amendment 26 would create an independent Scottish food commission that was totally independent of Government. The commission would assist in drawing up the good food nation plan and provide advice to ministers and other organisations. It would also have the ability to carry out research. It would operate similarly to the Scottish Land Commission, which we are all familiar with.

We all know that we have a human right to food, but that right has not been realised for many people. The commission would keep the Government and other bodies focused on that right and its realisation. It would also allow the Government to amend the remit of the commission to ensure that it remains relevant to the needs of our population.

Amendment 30 is a consequential amendment that would make the process subject to the affirmative procedure.

I support the other amendments in the group. All of them would work well with my amendments, albeit that they might require some tidying up at stage 3.

I move amendment 26.

I was somewhat concerned that, at the start of her summing up, the cabinet secretary seemed to say that she would speak to and work with the Greens according to the Bute house agreement to reach a settlement on this particular section. Latterly, though, she seemed to include the rest of us with an interest in this matter, and, before I decide whether to press or withdraw amendment 26, I am looking for a commitment from her that this will not be a stitch-up between her and the Greens and that she will try to reach consensus among all of us with an interest.

Amendments 3, 15, 17, 28 and 29 would require plans and revisions to be set out by regulation. Amendment 3 would require that for the first plan and amendment 15 would require it for revisions. Amendment 17 is a consequential amendment, because section 6(4) would no longer be required if the plan was set out in regulations, as all regulations are published and laid before the Parliament.

Amendments 28 and 29 are consequential amendments to make the regulations subject to the affirmative procedure. That would mean that plans and revisions were subject to scrutiny by the Parliament—in committee and in the chamber—and were voted on. It is only right for such plans to have parliamentary scrutiny and approval, if we are to put right our broken food system.

I move amendment 3.

The cabinet secretary said that the plans would be laid before the Parliament, but my amendments would allow the Parliament to vote on the plans—simply laying them before the Parliament does not allow that. She also pointed out that to have regard means simply that the Government can have regard to the issues that are raised and then ignore them. The only meaningful input that the Parliament can have is by voting on the plans, and I urge the committee to support amendment 3.

Beatrice Wishart’s amendment 40 would ensure wider consultation than just having a vote in the Parliament on the plans. I agree that the plans should be consulted on as widely as possible. I press amendment 3.

In order for the bill to achieve its desired outcome, it should specify some high-level outcomes or objectives that are to be achieved, instead of those being left entirely to ministers or public bodies to determine. The outcomes should be aligned with the UN sustainable development goals and the national performance framework, in a similar way to what is set out in the Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Act 2019, the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Act 2019 and the Procurement Reform (Scotland) Act 2014.

The bill must ensure fair work standards, which are often lacking in the food processing industry. We often hear that people who produce our food have to rely on food banks to get by.

Ideally, such targets and outcomes should be measurable, because that is intrinsically preferable and it would ensure effective reporting and scrutiny of the provisions. Although those objectives must be included, they would not prevent ministers or public bodies from adding any others that they wished to add.

I still have a huge number of concerns about rural healthcare. I am concerned that the nature of the proposed centre of excellence is still being defined and considered, and we are a long way from it becoming a reality. Meanwhile, in my region, fast-track midwifery training has been removed from the University of the Highlands and Islands even though we know that there is a huge lack of staff.

Maternity care is a big issue in the Highlands and Islands. The maternity unit in Caithness was downgraded to a midwife-led unit and the same thing has happened at Dr Gray’s hospital in Elgin, although they are quite different places. Caithness patients go to Raigmore hospital in Inverness and there is agreement that, at some point in the future, Moray births will go to Inverness too, at least for a period. However, Raigmore hospital does not have enough staff for the births that it has, let alone taking on more. We need to have people in the communities.

The submission from the community in Caithness talks about the distances that people have to travel. I am taking part in a Caithness group that is looking at the cost of living, the impact of price rises and especially fuel costs. It was put to me that people are getting 15p per mile—with the first £10 top-sliced off—for travel to Raigmore. I wrote to NHS Highland on that topic and it has increased the rate by a couple of pence per mile in recognition of fuel costs, which are worse in rural areas. However, that presupposes that the person has a car and can afford to put fuel in it. It takes no account of rural deprivation.

One of the submissions to the committee makes the point that people think that living in rural areas is a lifestyle choice—someone moves to a rural area and it is lovely, and if they are going to do that, they have to accept that they are not going to have an accident and emergency department around every corner. Everyone knows that. However, we are talking about people who have been born and brought up in deprived communities in rural areas being expected to travel hundreds of miles to access healthcare. On top of that, with the Covid situation, there are restrictions on access to hospitals, even during childbirth.

In Inverness, in the height of summer, even budget hotels cost about £400 for a room. That means that people on limited incomes cannot be with their loved ones in hospital. It has huge implications for families and for people accessing healthcare for themselves, and there is a cost attached to that. We need to do better.

I urge the committee to keep the petition open and push for people in rural areas to get the health services that they need. How we supply them should be a case in point, rather than people just receiving the crumbs from the edge of the table. Access to health services should not depend on people’s wealth.