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You have covered a lot of what I was going to ask about. I am interested in the notion that, if we want to meet more targets, particularly on childhood obesity, we need to move away from talking about things to taking action. I believe that Governments must take responsibility for their part of the picture: it is not all about individual choice, because we know that communities are not set up that way, especially in areas that have high levels of health inequality. If you were going to give us homework, on what three areas could the committee achievably push the Government to take action?

Why were no trans people included in the review team?

There is talk about labelling or not labelling foods, particularly on menus when people eat out. I am interested in that, as well. Where are you on that?

That is really helpful. Thank you.

Dr Cass, I want to explore the approaches to gender care for young people and the move to what you have described as the gender-affirmative model, which is the dominant model of care. You have talked about clinicians feeling pressure to simply affirm children and that that could lead to diagnostic overshadowing; for example, you have spoken about mental health issues that have been missed. How would a conversion therapy ban affect that situation? Could you advise how we might go forward with a ban to ensure that we give children protected time to consider things?

My final question is on a point that was raised with the committee, which was about including someone with trans identity in the review team. Did you consider doing that?

Thank you, minister, for your opening statement. I am interested in some of the other measurements that we might look at around MUP. We have seen strong evidence and reports about how MUP impacts on health harms and affects the industry, but have you received any views or seen any evidence on some of the other indicators, both positive and negative, in relation to whether MUP helps to reduce crime and other social harms? Is there any evidence to suggest that people have moved to other addictive substances? Is there a need for more evidence in that area, or could you point us to some?

Yes, it had been suggested that that might happen, but there is some evidence—

To be clear, as this is an important policy that we will be voting on, is the Government confident that it worked in the area that it should have worked in and is the Government committed to looking at some of the evidence around the issue and any work that we need to do in that other area?

I confirm that Scottish Labour supports continuation of the MUP and its uprating to 65p.

We also support Public Health Scotland’s work on the issue. As we have heard, the data that has been produced is complicated, but we believe that it is clear that the MUP worked while 50p was an effective price and that lives were saved, as a result. That is undoubtedly significant, and it is only right that we continue the policy and look more at the impacts that an uprated MUP will have on public health. The MUP is, however, not and will never be effective on its own, so I welcome the minister’s acknowledgement of that.

In relation to dependent drinkers, as we have discussed this morning, Public Health Scotland concluded that

“There is limited evidence to suggest that MUP was effective in reducing consumption for those people with alcohol dependence. Those with alcohol dependence are a particular subgroup of those who drink at harmful levels and have specific needs. People with alcohol dependence need timely and evidence-based treatment and wider support that addresses the root cause of their dependence.”

Scottish Labour supports that statement.

The long-term underfunding of alcohol and drug partnerships, the cutbacks to health services and council budgets, and the real-terms cuts to investment in this year’s budget suggest that the Government could become overreliant on MUP as a unitary method of tackling alcohol harm. That will not work—experts tell us as much—so I hope that the Government will now outline what further commitment it will make to services that offer support in our communities. We believe that we cannot continue MUP for much longer without ensuring that the profit that it creates for larger companies is reinvested in publicly funded public health initiatives. We feel that that is only right, and we would seek to work with colleagues to achieve that.

The continuation of MUP is, in my view, a positive step, and it has Scottish Labour’s support. Once again, I urge colleagues to ensure that work is undertaken by the Government to properly fund and support services that will save lives, and that the Government commits to vital services in areas of highest deprivation. If we do not do that and act with purpose, we will quickly see the benefits of MUP fade, which is not something that any of us want. I know from today’s debate that that is the minister’ position, so I hope to work with her to put those things together.