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Thank you very much for that.

No, thank you, Wendy. My interest is more specific, so perhaps you could write to the committee and let us know more. It is good that you have information from Scottish Women’s Aid and other stakeholders, but I am particularly interested in black, Asian and minority ethnic communities, in which domestic abuse cases are obviously very different, culturally, especially with regard to child contact and the kind of role that child contact centres play. I always say that one size never fits all. It was just to understand whether you went out to organisations such as Sikh Sanjog and Amina—the Muslim Women’s Resource Centre—to see how domestic abuse is talked about by BAME communities and BAME organisations that deal with domestic abuse among those cultures every day.

Good morning. Thank you, minister, for your opening statement. As you know, children experiencing domestic abuse are already extremely vulnerable. That is why we must ensure that they are kept safe in child contact centres. The regulations that have been laid by the Government would require the Care Inspectorate to report the failure of a child contact services provider to comply with the Equality Act 2010. Are you confident that the proposed regulations address the concerns about child contact centres from families who are affected by domestic abuse?

I have a wee add-on question. You said that you have held consultations and done some work with Scottish Women’s Aid. Have you done any work with other organisations?

Thank you.

We need to be sure about this. Have you listened to those concerns?

Good morning, cabinet secretary and officials. Cabinet secretary, I asked one of the previous panels this question. Religious education is one thing, but do you believe that the bill’s provisions could be extended to other subjects? As you might know, I have introduced the Prevention of Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Bill, which makes domestic abuse education in schools mandatory, but which would also give parents the option to withdraw their children from such courses.

Similarly, we have heard that primary schools are working with controversial groups such as LGBT Youth Scotland, with many parents expressing concern about what their children are being taught. Do you believe that the bill will end up setting a precedent whereby children as young as primary school age can override their parents, even when it comes to controversial subject areas that could harm them?

Thank you for that clarity. You talk about children’s views being heard. I will break it down and give an example of a possible scenario, to see whether I am hearing what you have said correctly. If a child decides to go against what their parents have decided, they can do that, because you have said that their views should be heard. Those views will be heard by somebody—a teacher or a headteacher—in their school, and that person will have to make a decision about whether that child is capable. It does not matter what age the child is—we have heard that one child can be capable at the age of 13 and another child can be capable at the age of 15. Again, I go back to the point that somebody has to decide and, whether it is right or wrong, the parents may not like that decision.

How do you see such scenarios playing out? I accept that you say that there might be only a small number of cases, but every child is different and, obviously, every child has parents who care about them and might want a different arrangement, so there might be a conflict there. Like Tess White, I would like to know where teachers and headteachers can get help in such situations. Who makes the decisions in such cases, because the parents might not like the outcome?

I took RE when I was younger. Although I agree that religious education brings in certain good values and that it is especially good for people to understand different religions, I have to say that I see that there is a conflict, and I want to hear how, practically, that can be managed.

Cabinet secretary, the committee has heard from several witnesses who are worried that the bill is a temporary and short-term solution that does not address the underlying issue of legislation being compliant with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (Incorporation) (Scotland) Act 2024. Alongside others, Professor Angela O’Hagan from the Scottish Human Rights Commission told the committee that we are

“looking at yet another add-on, with another legislative instrument added as a sticking plaster to patch up legislation whose proposals have not been well defined in the first instance.”

Similarly, Fraser Sutherland from the Humanist Society Scotland said:

“the bill documentation and the pre-bill consultation clearly show that the Government does not fully understand what is happening.”—[Official Report, Equalities, Human Rights and Civil Justice Committee, 30 September 2025; c 48, 30.]

We are here to make good legislation, but it has been clearly stated in evidence that the bill is simply not good enough and is another sheer example of a “sticking plaster” approach to fixing bad legislation. How do you respond to that?

Thank you for that clarity. When the gates are opened, precedents are set, and people start looking at other subject areas. It is great to hear from you today that this is about the provisions of this bill only, and that it will not set precedents in other areas.

There has been some concern about schools having to decide whether a child is capable of forming a view about religious education and/or observation. I asked one of the previous panels about that, when I raised the fact that children under the age of 18 cannot serve as jurors or get credit cards—and there are many other things they cannot do. With that in mind, how do you think that teachers will be able to determine that a child is mature enough to make a decision about their education and whether their parents are right to withdraw them from religious education or observance? Is it a decision that teachers should be making? Are you able to explain the Scottish Government’s position on the approach that will be taken through the bill?

I understand that you have answered similar questions from Maggie Chapman and Tess White, but I think that teachers already have a lot to deal with right now without being put in such a position. How are you going to create balance so that teachers can understand what a child is capable of?

In another evidence session, I gave an example of two children from one family, where the teacher might think that one child was capable of making a decision but the other was not. How do you balance the rights of those children?