Seòmar agus comataidhean

The full variety of accommodation options in which Ukrainians are currently living in Scotland is being used for those who are coming off the ship. We have had significant interaction with the private rented sector on what is on offer, in particular in Edinburgh.

Ukrainians have been matched with host families across Scotland, and there have been specific movements in relation to the £50 million that was made available to local authorities to upgrade empty and void properties. When the properties that we have managed to bring back into use have come online, Ukrainians who have been on board the vessel have been matched with them.

We have not managed to find a specific number for you, but we can definitely write back to the committee with the most up-to-date statistics.

Indeed.

Information is always coming through, and I recently had an interesting discussion, through Reform Scotland, about the routes that Hongkongers are taking and why people are moving where they are moving. That seems to be based very much on where there is particular information or an existing diaspora that says that a place works for them. We find with cohorts that are in Scotland and are continuing to move to Scotland that they are drawn here by people whom they know who came from the same country, and by their families who are living in a particular place.

Absolutely. Before I bring in an official to respond, I will just say that that is one of many examples, because we are also making sure that progress made on childcare and early learning is expanded to asylum seekers. It goes back to the principles of our new Scots strategy. Integration from day 1 is absolutely the goal, which is why we are expanding rights and services to asylum seekers as much as we can—and, indeed, we are looking to do more of that every day. For example, we are asking the UK Government to remove the Scottish welfare fund from the list of excluded benefits under NRPF. We are pushing for whatever we can to expand provision to asylum seekers.

I will bring in Aileen Harding to say a bit more about tuition fees.

It is certainly very challenging. I am aware that the current demand for ESOL services for people who are displaced from Ukraine is putting a lot of pressure on providers and increasing waiting times. We are looking at ways of supporting that.

I again point out that there is a funding issue here, because asylum dispersal is not specifically funded by the UK Government. We do not have control over what sort of, or how much, ESOL provision is needed, but we still have to provide it. There are challenges about where the funding comes from.

Absolutely. I am aware of the concerns that the member raises. Of course, the accommodation in Glasgow stopped being used as a mother and baby unit last year. The Scottish Government made representations back in 2021; it was before the election, so Aileen Campbell was the relevant cabinet secretary. Representations were made, and we have been clear that there are concerns about the provision with regard to how safe and secure it was for the people who were placed there.

Again, it is the Home Office that holds overall responsibility for the delivery of interpretation and translation services. However, asylum seekers living in Scotland have the same access rights to interpretation as refugees do. It is provided at the point of need, so I appreciate that there will be differences, because funding is sourced in different ways. I am more than happy to look more closely at the evidence that the committee has gathered.

I hope that you understand the reason why resources are pushed towards asylum seekers. In international law, no distinction is made, but there is a distinction for rights and entitlements in the UK. The difficulty is that people are being forced into destitution and that is where the limited money has to go. However, it is important to pick up on such points as we develop the refreshed new Scots strategy.

We have managed to collect extensive data on where Ukrainians are moving to from the ship and where people are going and why. It is a lot easier to do that when they are all based on board the ship at first, with all the support services around them. Those statistics are being collected, and we have gained quite good insight for future planning in terms of how many want to go to Ukraine in the near future and how many are thinking much further ahead or want to leave Ukraine permanently altogether.

I am sorry—I have forgotten your second question.

I point out that the supersponsor status for Ukraine is unique, so there is not parity because the Scottish Government does not have that formal role in respect of other immigration routes. We would, if we had the powers that we have been asking for to enable us to set our own controls over immigration and our own rights and entitlements for those who are seeking asylum or for refugees—but we do not.

The many successes of the Ukraine supersponsor scheme—including the support that has been offered to people who have arrived here under it and the partnership working with COSLA, local authorities and third sector partners—demonstrate what can be done if we take the approach of treating people with dignity and respect, allowing them the right to work and making sure that varied types of accommodation are available to them, based on their needs. We saw the working between local authorities—council representatives from across Scotland came on to the ship to speak to people living there about what was on offer in their area. That is a great demonstration of what can be done if we take the human rights-based approach.