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I am looking at the Scottish Government’s spending on discretionary housing payments, which is a significant figure. Is the cabinet secretary able to share any data on how many people have been saved from spending money on the bedroom tax here, in Scotland, and how many will be supported by extending those payments to mitigate the benefit cap?

As a survivor, I am very aware that there has been a lot of reference to survivors’ evidence—[Inaudible.]—particularly in relation to rape crisis services. Do you acknowledge that the bill does not impact on how those services currently operate? As Pam Duncan-Glancy outlined, self-ID is the system that rape crisis services in Scotland currently use. Do you acknowledge that there is no single opinion among survivors on the issue?

I would like to ask a brief follow-up question. Would it not be right to infer from your suspicion that making the process easier would result in more people making use of it that the current system needs the reform that is proposed and that that reform is the right one to make?

As a non-member of the committee, I want to recognise the amount of work that the committee has done over at least a dozen sessions and a hefty stage 2 debate. Earlier, you mentioned that you believe that the bill is being rushed. The bill has been six years in the making, with two full-scale public consultations, and the committee has had many evidence sessions and has produced a very thorough report. How much more would have had to be done for you to consider that the bill is not being rushed through?

You have talked a lot about the toxicity of the debate in the UK and the effect that that is having on trans people in particular but also on cisgender women who, as you have said, have every reason to be afraid of predatory men. Elected representatives and celebrities linking this legislation to that separate issue will cause fear. Have you seen that happen on a similar scale in other countries that have implemented similar procedures? Do you have advice for politicians on how to address those concerns? Perhaps you could highlight best practice that you have seen elsewhere.

On the point about reliability, Aviemore might have triggered only one cold weather payment—or maybe none—this winter, but, in other years, it could be looking at three or four. Is extra help available to people in such places if there is a very bad winter?

I thought you were going to ask that. It is exactly what I am about to address. Is it going to go far? No. We must be clear, however, that energy does not need to cost that much. I would much prefer that the UK Government took some action on energy companies instead of allowing them to take advantage of the situation and bankroll their eye-watering profits. If we are going to listen to criticism today about there being not enough social security going to the problem, we need at least to acknowledge the cause.

That would be the ideal scenario.

Pam Duncan-Glancy mentioned a “finger in a dam”, but we need at least to ask why there is a flood. More money will be spent on the scheme than was spent on cold weather payments. More of my constituents are going to benefit from it, as will more of hers. It is not the only measure that is aimed at supporting people through the winter. There is also the fuel insecurity fund, the islands cost crisis emergency fund and other benefits that are being delivered by Social Security Scotland. People who are in receipt of those are therefore not going to receive £50 only. That £50 is more of a winter uplift of sorts.

Finally, we heard last week that those with the greatest need for help in paying energy bills are affected by other issues such as needing energy efficiency measures in their home and improvements in the wider context of UK energy policy. How is the minister working with other portfolios in Government to make sure that there is investment to reduce the need for social security?

Since last week’s meeting, we have had some helpful information from the Scottish Parliament information centre about which weather stations have triggered cold weather payments in the past, and how many times. Six of the seven areas with the highest level of fuel poverty are in my region—the Highlands and Islands—but some of those areas, such as Stornoway, have not triggered any cold weather payment in many years. Where they have done so—for example, in Wick, Lerwick and Kirkwall—there tends to be one trigger a year, despite the challenges that exist there. Will the winter heating payment be a move in the right direction in tackling fuel poverty?