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What is your understanding of the reasons for having a slightly different approach to the list of third-party campaigners in Scotland compared with the approach in England and Wales, or indeed the UK?

From the point of view of the Electoral Commission, where you see the whole picture, are there specific issues in Scotland that would require us to do something differently to other parts of the United Kingdom?

The range of third parties that want a say in a campaign is vast, so how on earth is that manageable?

Is the defining thing that you are actively campaigning to tell people to vote for somebody, as opposed to campaigning to say to people, as happens in Scotland, “Do not vote for this person”?

Oh—it is categories.

That is very helpful. I appreciate your answers.

Digital imprints are quite a difficult area in terms of enforcement, are they not? Are we simply putting into primary legislation something that will ultimately be very difficult to enforce? Police Scotland has expressed concerns about any enforcement regime that is associated with the bill, given the nature of social media and so forth. How do you see the matter?

Right—and that is what the Government has asked for.

Who, then, should help the police with that?

Right. That is a definite and clear answer. I think that I have probably covered what I wanted to cover.

Yes, it is just a quick question. You have made what seems like a very pragmatic suggestion about rolling reviews, but you also said that you suggested that to Scottish ministers and they clearly have not embraced it. Do you know why that idea, in your professional point of view, was not accepted by Scottish ministers?