The final item of business is a members’ business debate on motion S6M-16524, in the name of Colin Beattie, on three years of solidarity with Ukraine. The debate will be concluded without any question being put. I invite members who wish to speak in the debate to press their request-to-speak buttons.
Before I call Colin Beattie to open the debate, I welcome the consul general of Ukraine to the public gallery. [Applause.]
Motion debated,
That the Parliament renews its solidarity with the people of Ukraine, three years on from what it understands was Russia’s illegal full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022; praises the bravery and resilience of the Ukrainian people as, it believes, they continue to resolutely defend their sovereign nation from Russian aggression; condemns absolutely the reported war crimes that have been committed in Ukraine by the regime of Vladimir Putin; notes the support for the European Parliament resolution of 23 January 2025, which called on the Russian Federation to immediately terminate all military activities and withdraw from Ukraine; welcomes the news that European neighbours, including the Baltic states, have made what it sees as significant progress in detaching themselves from dependence on Russian energy; reinforces Scotland’s place among the democratic nations of Europe in their support for Ukraine against what it considers is Russian authoritarianism; notes that a reported over 28,000 displaced people have arrived in the UK from Ukraine with a sponsor in Scotland, and that over 21,000 of them came through the Scottish Government’s Super Sponsor Scheme; praises the hard work and compassion of communities, including in Midlothian North and Musselburgh, as they welcome displaced Ukrainian people to settle in Scotland; considers that these Ukrainian people have made a rich contribution to Scotland’s communities; notes the support for a warm Scottish future for displaced Ukrainian people, including through continued investment by the Scottish Government and local authorities in longer-term resettlement for displaced Ukrainians; further notes the call on the UK Government to provide security and clarity through further extensions to the Homes for Ukraine schemes, as well as provide the fair and proportionate allocation of “thank you” payments to hosts in Scotland, and celebrates what it believes has been Scotland’s long history of solidarity with displaced people, refugees and asylum seekers from around the world.
17:12
I thank everyone who supported this members’ business motion, which gives the Parliament an opportunity to reaffirm our solidarity with Ukraine during these particularly difficult times.
I need to refer to the recent shambles in Washington when President Trump and Vice-President Vance deliberately tried to publicly humiliate their guest, President Zelenskyy. It was an appalling performance by two weak and unstable bullies. President Zelenskyy came out of that stronger in the eyes of the world. Europe must be unwavering in its support for Ukraine.
It is clear that the US has become an uncertain friend and an unreliable ally. Europe must pull together and invest heavily in its armed forces and, most importantly, sever the post-world war two reliance on the US for weapons and logistics. That will not be cheap, but the alternative would be to place our safety and security in the hands of those who may not have our best interests at heart. The report that the US is suspending military aid to Ukraine merely underlines the urgency of the need to no longer be held hostage by an unstable world power. We must be realistic and see the real world as it is: dangerous, unpredictable and predatory.
Last month marked three years since Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine. That is three years of brutal hurt for the people of Ukraine, three years of barbaric war crimes and three years of unbreakable solidarity between Scotland and Ukraine. This war is an attack on not only Ukraine’s sovereignty but the very principles of international law, democracy and human rights. The activities of the Russian military, which has raped and murdered indiscriminately, apparently with the sanction of its superior officers and the Russian Government, have caused contempt. They have been rightly condemned by civilised nations.
Let me be clear: this war was launched by Russia without provocation. It was not a result of western aggression or NATO expansion. It was a deliberate act of imperialism by President Vladimir Putin, whom many regard as a war criminal and who intends to erase Ukraine’s independence and even its existence. Over three years, we have seen indiscriminate bombings and untold horrors inflicted on the Ukrainian people. There is never an excuse for harming innocent civilians, no matter what lies the Russian propaganda machine tells the world.
To say that war is tragic is to minimise the truth. The impacts of this war will live with the people of Ukraine for the rest of their lives, and probably for generations to come. The tragedy of it was put on full display when I co-sponsored the Little Hope Gallery art event in the Parliament in January. The gallery showcased artwork from children who had been forced to leave their family and friends behind and subsequently channelled their emotions into extraordinary art. I would encourage everyone to view that artwork to fully understand the heartbreaking circumstances that those children have been brought up in. That is why we must continue to support Ukraine whole-heartedly.
When I think of Ukrainian children, I have to remind us of the many thousands who have been kidnapped and sent into Russia to become good Russians. That is ethnic cleansing and a war crime in itself. Those children must be returned to their families.
I am pleased to see that Europe is uniting on the issue, with the European Union announcing further military aid for Ukraine and the United Kingdom Government increasing defence spending, even if by insufficient amounts. For some, the invasion may seem far away, but Russian aggression is a direct attack on our way of life and on our democratic values and freedoms. We cannot allow Russia to claim sovereign Ukrainian land as a result of naked military threat, bluster and brutality.
I have already expressed my concern at the United States’ position on the conflict. In particular, newly elected President Trump is looking horribly weak and vulnerable in his dealings with brutal dictatorships such as Russia. His fear and lack of backbone are imperilling the future of the free world as we know it. Although the global community agrees that the war must end, it cannot be on Putin’s terms. We must be clear that President Zelenskyy is not a dictator; that title should be rightly reserved for Vladimir Putin.
Against overwhelming odds, Ukraine has stood firm, thanks to its brave military and the Ukrainian people, together with support from the world community. Here, in Scotland, we should be proud of the support that we have provided to Ukraine—both financial support and the successful supersponsor scheme for displaced Ukrainians.
In my role as convener of the cross-party group on Ukraine, I am fortunate to have met a number of extraordinary Ukrainians who inspire me every day. Their resilience and courage, with such unwavering community spirit, should be an inspiration for everyone in the Parliament. They have left their homes, and some have had to leave their families—yet, as soon as they arrived in Scotland, they immediately began working together to ensure that their new communities were safe and welcome.
The Ukrainian community centre in Edinburgh is running an initiative to deliver packages to Ukrainian soldiers on the front line. Those packages are shoe boxes filled with small items such as woolly hats, thermal socks and sanitary products. Those small acts of kindness make a real difference to those brave soldiers. If any of my colleagues in the chamber would like to contribute, they should let me know, and I will share the details with them.
We should be proud that, as a country, we have made tens of thousands of Ukrainians welcome in our homeland. There is, however, still more that both the UK and Scottish Governments can do to support Ukraine. I call on the UK Government to extend the homes for Ukraine scheme and to allocate fair thank-you payments to hosts in Scotland. That would ensure that displaced Ukrainians will continue to be able to call the United Kingdom and Scotland their home.
Once again, I thank everyone who supported the motion and who continues to show their absolute solidarity with Ukraine. I look forward to hearing members’ contributions.
17:19
I congratulate my colleague Colin Beattie on securing this timely debate.
America’s blunderbuss, broken-bottle-in-the-face approach to diplomacy has shocked the democratic world, as has its appeasement of Russia. Russia’s forces have committed countless atrocities, from Bucha to Mariupol, and it continues to bomb Ukraine indiscriminately and kidnap and Russify Ukrainian children. It is an aggressor set to be rewarded for its vicious, unprovoked invasion with land and trade. Peace, security, territorial integrity and Ukraine’s independence must be the aim, not a 21st-century equivalent of 1938 Czechoslovakia after it was shorn of the Sudetenland and left open to annexation.
Few nations have suffered as Ukraine has since the beginning of the 20th century, with the ravages of world war one, occupation, revolution, pogroms, civil war, conflict with Poland, Bolshevik oppression, forced collectivisation, millions starved to death in the Holodomor, the Stalinist purges, Hitler’s onslaught, the Holocaust, an insurgency in the decade following the second world war, mass deportations to Siberia and the Russification of formerly majority Ukrainian communities, from the Kuban to Kursk.
In 1991, after decades of Soviet stagnation, 92.4 per cent of Ukrainians voted for independence. However, in 2004, Russian meddling led to the near-fatal poisoning of presidential candidate Victor Yushchenko. Following Ukraine’s revolution of dignity, Russia seized Crimea and backed pro-Russian insurgents in eastern Ukraine—a conflict that began in 2014, and not 2015, as the US President ignorantly asserted.
Can Europe afford to deter Russian aggression? More pertinently, can it afford not to? Russia’s economy is actually very weak. The International Monetary Fund says that Russia’s economy is smaller than that of Italy, Canada or Brazil. It is only three and a half times bigger than Ireland’s economy, much less than half of that of Germany and not even two thirds of that of the UK. Russia’s economy is only a fourteenth of Europe’s economy, with a quarter of its population and a tenth of the population of China—a country that has long cast envious eyes over Siberia.
Does Mr Gibson share my disgust that much of Russia’s fossil-fuel export economy is being propped up by companies such as Seapeak Maritime Ltd, which is based in Scotland?
Yes—I certainly share that view.
Europe fears a Russia that has suffered 860,000 casualties in three years of fighting a Ukraine that has long been denied fighter aircraft, high-end missiles and the armour that is needed to liberate its conquered territory. Europe, which is more technologically advanced, spends $338 billion a year on defence, but it must invest more.
Moscow is only 523 miles from the Ukrainian border. It is as likely to use nuclear weapons as Britain was when Argentina invaded the Falklands, or Israel when it was attacked last year by Iran. Fear of escalation was the previous US President’s excuse for keeping Ukraine drip-fed with equipment for three years, supplying only enough weaponry to stop it losing, rather than enough to enable it to defeat and expel the aggressor.
Europe must speak with one voice and refuse to be intimidated by gun-to-the-head threats. The sight of some European leaders mimicking the sycophantic behaviour of the US President’s inner circle is truly nauseating. The White House, in its boorish arrogance, has seemingly tried to alienate, upset and destabilise as many allies as possible.
The usual threats and bluster include Canada becoming America’s 51st state and the imposition of 25 per cent tariffs. King Charles is Canada’s head of state, yet we saw the Prime Minister confer a state visit on a US President who threatens and bullies his subjects. Actions must have consequences—the royal invitation must be withdrawn. One-sided respect is demanded by Washington, but respect must be earned. Sadly, America is led by a petulant, vituperative narcissist who demands fealty masquerading as respect—an affront to the dignity of his office.
California Senator Adam Schiff summed it up last Friday when he said:
“A hero and a coward are meeting in the Oval Office today. And when the meeting is over the hero will return to Ukraine.”
The Vice-President was described by Alastair Campbell as a “vile human being”.
America’s leadership wants to milk Ukraine dry of its resources while refusing to provide any form of security guarantee and kowtowing to Moscow. Ukraine has shed too much blood, its land ravaged, to suffer such a fate. We must back Ukraine with weapons and money—taken from frozen Russian assets, if necessary—until a just peace is secured.
Slava Ukraini!
17:24
It is a pleasure to speak in the debate, and I am grateful to Colin Beattie for lodging the motion and for his speech. In addition, it is always a pleasure to follow Kenneth Gibson.
The resilience, courage and determination of the Ukrainian people in the face of an unprovoked invasion by Russia have inspired the free world. Three years on, we must ask what we have learned from the lessons of history, and whether we have understood what is at stake. This war is about not just Ukraine but the principles that underpin peace and security in Europe.
We must also acknowledge the harsh truth: the war is, in part, the result of the west’s inaction over Russian aggression in Georgia, in Syria and in Crimea and eastern Ukraine. Each failure to act decisively only emboldened Vladimir Putin further, and we cannot afford to repeat those mistakes now. If we fail to act decisively and stand united, we send a dangerous message: that the international order can be torn apart by brute force. That is a message that we simply cannot afford to send. The cost of inaction now is far greater than the cost of standing firm.
That is why Britain has been unwavering in its support for Ukraine. That is not just in solidarity—clearly, it is in our direct national interest. A Europe where Russian aggression is left unchecked is a Europe that is less safe for Britain. That is why we must never waver, and why we must continue to provide Ukraine with the military, economic and diplomatic support that it needs to win.
Vladimir Putin’s regime has shown total disregard for its treaty obligations, violated international law and committed atrocities and war crimes in Ukraine. Only strength—of purpose and of arms—will maintain any peace that is worth having.
I commend the leadership of the British Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, in reaffirming our unwavering commitment to Ukraine. It is only right that Britain, as the last remaining faithful signatory of the Budapest memorandum, leads by example. I therefore welcome the increase in defence expenditure that has been announced, but it must be increased further. NATO remains the bedrock of our security, and we must ensure that we, in Europe, have the capabilities to deter—and, if necessary, defeat—any threat to our freedom.
Yet, I cannot, and will not, ignore the muddled thinking of those in the chamber who speak in praise of Ukraine and even call for greater defence spending while decrying the very existence of our armed forces and of the very industries and workers on whom we rely to produce the materiel of war. If we are serious about our security, we must be serious about supporting the people and businesses that equip our armed forces.
Just last week, at the Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee, we heard from the consul general for Ukraine in Edinburgh, who expressed how deeply grateful the Ukrainians in Scotland have been for all that has been done to make them feel welcome. However, he also reminded us of something crucial: how much those Ukrainians in Scotland long to return home.
The Ukrainian people fight not just for their country but for the very principles that keep us all safe. If we do not stand with Ukraine today, we may find ourselves standing alone tomorrow.
17:28
I welcome the debate that Colin Beattie has brought to the chamber.
These are troubling times. Three years ago, Putin began his full-scale invasion of Ukraine, attacking its people and its sovereignty. Over the past three years, the Ukrainian people have displayed immense bravery, strength and resilience in the face of a tyrannical aggressor. We can see that resilience from pictures online and on our televisions.
That resilience was also on display at the “Invicta Ukraine”—unbroken Ukraine—event that I attended last week at Glasgow cathedral, where the Ukrainian community in Scotland commemorated three years since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
When Ukraine was attacked, so too were the values of democracy, freedom and human rights. We must remain steadfast in our support for Ukraine to ensure that those treasured values are upheld. We must also maintain our condemnation of Putin and his unlawful war. I pay tribute to President Zelenskyy for his strong leadership throughout the war and to the people of Ukraine.
I know that that solidarity with the people of Ukraine is felt by members across the Parliament and people across these isles. Yesterday, with Anas Sarwar, I had the privilege of meeting, once again, the consul for Ukraine in Scotland. I reiterate the points that he made last week before the Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee. He said:
“Ukraine ... needs three powers ... the power of weapons .... economic sanctions and ... diplomacy.”—[Official Report, Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee, 27 February 2025; c 2.]
I therefore welcome the fact that the Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, and the British Government have already taken further action on all three of those points and have committed to increase defence spending, as Stephen Kerr said, to 2.5 per cent of gross domestic product to secure and strengthen Britain’s national security.
On weapons to Ukraine, a £2.26 billion loan has been given by the UK Government, and a deal worth £1.6 billion has been signed with defence manufacturers to supply thousands of advanced air defence missiles to Ukraine. That is being funded through the largest package of economic sanctions on Russia since 2022, with 107 new sanctions announced. Those sanctions will disrupt Russia’s military supplies and financial support.
The Prime Minister has also shown leadership on the international stage, working effectively with our allies in the interests of Ukraine. That diplomacy has involved holding regular and constructive conversations with world leaders to try to reconcile differences and support Ukraine. That is why the Prime Minister hosted a summit in London with 18 leaders from around Europe and from Turkey and Canada. Those efforts by the Prime Minister have embodied the phrase “actions speak louder than words”. Peace will come for the people of Ukraine. However, it is imperative that the United Kingdom plays its role in ensuring that that is a just peace.
Finally, I want to say a word about the Ukrainian refugees who have made our country their home over the past three years. I pay tribute, as Colin Beattie did in opening the debate, to the good people of this country and the many organisations that have been incredibly welcoming to Ukrainian refugees fleeing the war. Ukrainian refugees of all ages have been able to integrate into Scottish society. We must continue to support them and recognise, as Stephen Kerr said, that many of them wish to return to their homeland as soon as possible.
I understand that there are 78 Ukrainian pupils attending Renfrewshire high schools. I welcome the work that Renfrewshire Council is doing to assess how many of those young people are planning to sit Scottish Qualifications Authority exams this year and to support them throughout that process.
Although nothing can undo the horrors that many have had to endure, I hope that the warm and hospitable environment of this country has offered some comfort. As a country, and as a Parliament, we should again unite and resolve to support Ukraine so that it can find a just and lasting peace.
17:32
We condemn, in the strongest possible terms, Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine. As in all conflicts, it is ordinary people who bear the brunt of brutality—dead family and dead friends; no medicine, food, water or electricity; loss of homes; and living in constant fear and danger.
The Geneva conventions require parties in a conflict to
“distinguish between civilian objects and military objectives.”
Attacks on civilian objects are forbidden, but some civilian-owned infrastructure can be military objectives. Needless to say, the daily pictures and videos from Ukraine clearly bear out that those basic tenets are being broken continually and without a shred of concern.
It is essential that support remains consistent at the international level. That includes financial support, medicine and munitions. Ukrainians are giving up their lives, and the west must continue to provide that material support if they are to have any chance of survival.
We all know that we live in a different world today from the one that we lived in before 20 January this year. We now live in a world where America cannot be trusted to uphold treaties, and where the President of the United States is embracing Vladimir Putin, a ruthless dictator and the traditional and historical enemy of American democracy and free markets, and throwing Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the elected leader of a democratic allied nation, under the bus. The US President rewrote history in his own mind to make Russia a victim and to deny what Russia has done, and is doing, in Ukraine. I, too, think that the invitation for a state visit must be rescinded. Donald Trump and his politics are not welcome in Scotland.
I do not think that any of us yet know what kind of world we are living in and what kind of future we will have, but difficult times can bring out the best in people. This is Europe’s moment to step up—its chance to become stronger and to renew its commitment to a common economic future, to democracy and to co-operation between nations.
I am glad that the UK is participating in that project. Although I remain deeply sad that we are no longer a full member of the European Union, I would like to think that finding common cause in the defence of Ukraine may start us on the journey of finding our way back. Perhaps, in the not-too-distant future, we and Ukraine may both be members of the EU.
My sincere thanks go to everyone in Scotland who made space in their homes for Ukrainian refugees, and my sincere welcome goes to everyone who has come to Scotland to escape war and persecution. I thank colleague for their contributions to the debate, and I associate myself with all their words of solidarity. It is so important that we come together with one voice in the Parliament to call out Russia’s aggression and reaffirm our support for Ukraine, and I thank everyone for doing so tonight.
Support for Ukraine is wide and deep. Not since the end of the cold war have Europe’s values been tested as they are being tested now. In the face of Russia’s aggression, however, we are resolute. Today, members in the chamber speak with one voice—for peace, for security and for a Europe, and a world, bound by the values of decency, democracy and human rights.
Scotland stands with Ukraine. We stood by Ukraine at the beginning of the war, and we stand by Ukraine now.
17:36
Like other members, I start by acknowledging not just Colin Beattie’s contribution in bringing the debate to the chamber but his efforts over the past three years or so, through the cross-party group on Ukraine, in coalescing unwavering cross-party support for Ukraine. I thank him very much for that.
I welcome the consul general and our visitors in the public gallery. It would be remiss of me—I am sure that the consul general would agree—not to also pay tribute to the work of his predecessor, Andrii Kuslii, who formed very strong friendships with members across the Parliament and, in the most challenging of times, built the relationships on which that solidarity is now founded.
Colin Beattie almost certainly lodged the motion ahead of recent events, which I think all of us have found so depressing and have made us feel despondent. Those events have, undoubtedly, upended many of the certainties to which we were—perhaps naively—still clinging, but which now feel further away than ever. The global alliances on which we have come to rely in the post-war era now appear to be in peril like never before.
I think back to Putin’s illegal invasion three years ago. It is important to draw a distinction between Vladimir Putin and the Russian people—it was Putin’s illegal invasion, built on his imperial ambitions. He was denied the lightning victory that he expected, and I think that he was not alone in having his predictions of what would happen confounded. Stephen Kerr was absolutely right to talk about the inspirational Ukrainian response to that attack—the inspiration of the Ukrainian people, of the Ukrainian military and, in particular, of President Zelenskyy, who has shown such dignity throughout, especially in more recent times.
Stephen Kerr and all other contributors to the debate have pointed to the need for continued military, economic and diplomatic support. That support will be manifested in many different ways. The issue of the assets that have been frozen for some time—to which Kenneth Gibson and others referred—now needs to be addressed in a different way, and with more urgency than there has been to date. As I understand it, there is about £25 billion-worth of frozen assets in the UK, and action needs to be taken to release those funds to support the on-going efforts to support Ukraine. More widely, Europe has similar funds, which now need to be deployed to support the Ukrainian people.
Lorna Slater was right to talk about the way in which the transatlantic alliance has now shifted. That has only underscored what a lot of us have, for some time, been suggesting is necessary: Europe needs to step up and play a more prominent role. That will include the increased defence spending that the Prime Minister announced, which I very much welcome. However, as other members have suggested, that is almost certainly just the first step in a trend that needs to continue into the future.
I point to something else that has featured in contributions from colleagues: the position of Ukrainians who now find themselves in this country. The way in which Scots have opened their homes and their hearts to Ukrainians who have come to this country is right and very welcome. Ukrainians have made significant contributions to communities around the country, such as the one that I represent in Orkney, and to our country as a whole. However, that does not mask the tragic circumstances that led them to be here in the first place, and I think that it will be true that very many, or most, of them will wish to return home as soon as possible. Nevertheless, for as long as they are here, they are most welcome, and we need to continue to acknowledge the value of the contributions that they make to our country.
These are dark days. We need to redouble our commitment to, and our solidarity for, a just and lasting peace. Like others, I stand united, as do the Scottish Liberal Democrats, with the people of Ukraine.
Slava Ukraini!
17:41
Last week, I attended the “Ukraine Forever!” concert at the Usher Hall—along with many of my colleagues, including Audrey Nicoll, who is sitting beside me—to see Scotland and Ukraine come together in cultural exchange, in solidarity with the Ukrainian people and in fundraising for the war effort. There were performances from Old Blind Dogs, Elzara Batalova, James Robertson, the Culture Code orchestra from the Royal Conservatoire of Scotland, Oksana Mavrodii and the absolute powerhouse diva Karina Chervakova. It was a wonderful evening of talent and culture, but it was profoundly sad for all of us there, in the circumstances.
Last week, I had the pleasure of welcoming the consul, Andrii Madzianovskyi, to the Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee to give evidence and to explain the position of the Ukrainian people. He spoke with passion and dignity, and he expressed his thanks to the Scottish people—so-called world leaders could learn a lot from him. He told us:
“For several years now, my country has been bleeding innocent victims because the aggressor state of Russia, a terrorist country led by war criminal Putin, has been bombing and destroying Ukraine and its people.”—[Official Report, Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee, 27 February 2025; c 1.]
Members have mentioned that Putin thought that the invasion would be over in three days—as Mr McArthur said, many other people thought so, too. Nevertheless, we should pay tribute to our own Professor Phillips O’Brien, of the University of St Andrews, who was a lone voice in saying, “No—this will not happen” and that the Ukrainian people would resist and dig in. That is what we have seen from a very proud and very brave nation.
Of course, we are Ukraine’s partners and, after all, unity among allies is what Ukraine needs right now. Unity is key, and that view is common to all of us. I must impart in the chamber the words of the consul, who asked in the committee for three things. He asked for “three powers”—“the power of weapons”, which we have discussed at length in the chamber this evening; the power “of economic sanctions”, on which, although it is perhaps outwith our control in this Parliament, we all have a voice with colleagues in Westminster; and “the power of diplomacy.”
I have talked a little about cultural diplomacy. A few years ago, the Society of Scottish Artists held an exhibition that included Peter Howson’s triptych depicting the illegal invasion of Ukraine and the strength and determination of the Ukrainian people. We, in Scotland, need to keep working, in our way, to support that cultural diplomacy, as well as diplomacy at all levels.
At that meeting of the Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee, Keith Brown mentioned Hibernian Football Club’s long-standing association with the charity Dnipro Kids. It was wonderful to hear about the work of Steven Carr and the welcome for the 50 children who, through that charity, came to make their home in Scotland. We heard about how well their lives in Scotland were going and how grateful the Ukrainian people were for our support for those young people from Dnipro.
Kenneth Gibson mentioned the history of the Holodomor, which we have talked about many times in the chamber. We could also go back to the 1700s, when Ukrainian religious texts were first banned and Peter II mandated the translation of all state documents into Russian. On the fall of the Russian empire, Ukraine was absorbed into the Soviet Union, and we know about the purges and the Holodomor. We should make no mistake about it: Putin sees himself as implementing an extension of that shameful legacy.
Today, therefore, we say that we stand with Ukraine. I will quote Ukraine’s national anthem, because this is what I see in the bravery of Ukrainians every day:
“The glory and freedom of Ukraine has not yet perished
Luck will still smile on us brother-Ukrainians.
Our enemies will die, as the dew does in the sunshine,
and we, too, brothers, we’ll live happily in our land.
We’ll not spare either our souls or bodies to get freedom”.
Slava Ukraini!
17:47
I thank Colin Beattie for lodging the motion that we are debating this evening, which offers us a chance to speak of our three years of solidarity with Ukraine. Of course, that solidarity goes back much further than three years. I will touch on that, but I first want to make it clear that the events of 24 February 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine, go down in infamy with the events of 4 November 1956, when Russia marched into Hungary, and with the events of 24 December 1979, when Russia marched into Afghanistan. There are similarities.
Why does our solidarity with Ukraine go back further? Let us go back to the Budapest memorandum of 5 December 1994, when Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, the US and the UK agreed to stand together to guarantee the sovereignty of Ukraine in order to get rid of the nuclear weapons that it had. The Americans did just that. At that time, we said that we would guarantee Ukraine’s security.
What happened? I will tell members what happened. On 18 March 2014, Putin decided to invade Crimea. What did we do about that? Absolutely nothing. President Barack Obama stood by and said that he did not think that it was a serious event. Let me tell you: it was a serious event—it emboldened Putin and gave him the scope to do what he is doing today. That started the creeping war, as I call it, in the Donbas in eastern Ukraine and in Luhansk, where Putin pushed and pushed at the door to see how far he would get—and we did not do anything. To our eternal shame, we stood back. We had the ability to do something, and we did nothing.
That resulted in the lightning strike by Putin to capture Kyiv airport. I have to say that, as an ex-soldier, I am incredibly impressed by the fight that the 200 soldiers there put up, which basically prevented Ukraine from falling to Putin. They did one hell of a job, and we should be proud of them. We, from all parties, should understand and accept that that is why we need armed forces: to prevent people like that from coming in.
What has Ukraine had to face since then? It has had to face the Wagner group. I do not think that I have ever come across a more disreputable group of people in my life—not that I am aware that I have met any of them. It has also had to deal with North Korean troops being shipped across, and it has had to cope with arms and weapons coming from Iran and Syria. We were prepared to let that go. We have not done enough to stop all those countries arming Russia and standing up for Putin against Ukraine.
As the United Kingdom, however, we have done a considerable amount. I think that we have spent nearly £12 billion in supporting Ukraine. I am proud that we have done that. I know that there is a cost involved, but I understand why we had to do it. I also support Sir Keir Starmer’s plans to build up the British Army again. We need to. I have made no apologies for my Government, which hollowed out the armed forces and took the peace dividend from the cold war. That was wrong. I am glad that he has seen that, and I am glad that the west is now standing on its own two feet and will do something about it.
It would be wrong if I stood here and did not comment on the appalling behaviour that I witnessed, to my eternal shame and embarrassment, going on in the White House. On JD Vance’s behaviour, he should have known better. He was a marine—or it says in his service record that he was a marine; if we dig down into it, we find that he was a journalist with the United States Marines and given the honorary rank of corporal to boot. He should not have been trying to ambush somebody who has lived in fear for their life for three years. It was wrong and disgraceful, and, if no-one is prepared to call him out, we should stand here and do that.
Ukraine will face a huge battle at the end of this invasion, when its people win—we must ensure that they win—as they rebuild their country. It has been suggested that half a trillion dollars will be needed to rebuild that country. Let us not forget or shy away from the fact that Russia took repatriations from East Germany up until the day that the wall came down. If Russia is going to pull out, it can pay for the damage, injury and loss of life that it has caused to Ukraine. To let Russia get away with anything less would be unacceptable.
Before I call the next speaker, I advise members that, due to the number of members who wish to speak in the debate, I am minded to accept a motion without notice, under rule 8.14.3, to extend the debate by up to 30 minutes. I invite Colin Beattie to move such a motion.
Motion moved,
That, under Rule 8.14.3, the debate be extended by up to 30 minutes.—[Colin Beattie]
Motion agreed to.
17:52
I was concerned for a moment, as my friend and colleague Colin Beattie seemed to struggle to move that motion. I thought that it was because he knew that I was next—in which case, all the nice things that I was about to say about him, including thanking him for the debate, would have been gone. However, I thank him for bringing the debate to the chamber and for finally standing up and moving the motion to extend the time for us to have it.
When we get to this stage of the debate, all that I can talk about is the emotion and how I feel about the situation. A lot of people are asking themselves how they feel about the situation. I will give a perfect example. Members will be surprised to know that I was at St Mirren Park on Saturday to watch the football. At half time, the conversation was about what happened in the Oval office. It was not about Scottish football referees or the video assistant referee system, which is a disgrace, but about the disgrace of JD Vance and President Trump and what they did to someone who has stood against Putin over the past three years. That shows how this has got into the psyche of everyone in the world.
There are pivotal moments in history when what we—Scotland, the UK, Europe and the world—do is important. We need to be really careful. As I have mentioned to the Cabinet Secretary for Constitution, External Affairs and Culture before, there is €300 billion frozen from the Russian central bank in the EU. What Europe decides to do with that money in the future, and how we discuss that, is extremely important. At the end of the day, that has made a difference to an aggressor. That money could be gotten, because it is from the Russian central bank and it is frozen; it is not from the Russian oligarchs and all their mates who have been on the take in Russia for the past 20-odd years. That could be done and dealt with quite easily.
I will speak about someone I know, Stevie Blythe, a former soldier in the Black Watch who served in Iraq and Afghanistan and who got a military cross. He is not from Paisley; he is originally from Dundee but lives in Paisley. Stevie is now an ambulance driver. He takes ambulances over to Ukraine to drive them on the front lines and puts videos on his Facebook page to show us everything that is happening there. Stevie is a really close friend. When I asked him why he does that he said, “It’s the right thing to do.”
That is very similar to what the Ukrainian consul told the Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee last week. He said that the Ukrainian people have to stay positive all the time. He literally likened the war to light against darkness and good against evil. Some people think that we are using hyperbole when we talk in that way, but he is 100 per cent right. This issue, at this time, is a fight between good and evil and between right and wrong. There is no middle ground.
We saw what happened with Trump and Vance last week. Incidentally, Stevie is quite annoyed about JD Vance saying that British soldiers have no idea how to fight a war when he was involved in quite a lot of skirmishes—he did not get his military cross for nothing. They took someone who is fighting the good fight, against a dictator, for the free world and created a theatre—a pantomime—in the Oval office. They diminished America and the office of the President of the United States, and we all felt a bit dirty afterwards. Why would they do that in diplomacy? Even if their narrative was correct, which I do not believe, they should not go into a room and say, “Don’t do that again. Here’s what we’re going to do.” No one should do that in front of the world’s press. What happened was done purely to humiliate and embarrass.
I do not think that the American people will fall for that, because they still see Russia as the aggressor and many of Trump’s supporters will see Russia as the aggressor in that situation. I think that he will be found out. He sat there in a discussion with a world leader and said, “You don’t have the cards.” He was with someone whose people have been fighting for their lives and he talked about playing cards. That is a joke, and he is a joke as a president.
I will follow the consul’s advice. If he says that this is a fight of light against darkness and good against evil, that is good enough for me and I will support Ukraine in everything it does in this good fight.
17:57
I am pleased to speak tonight and to lend my voice, in support and solidarity, to the defiant people of Ukraine. I thank Colin Beattie for securing the debate and for all the work that he has done in establishing the cross-party group on Ukraine, of which I am a deputy convener. That has been a great innovation in this Parliament, allowing all parties to come together and to stand in solidarity with the consul and with representatives of the Ukrainian community in Scotland. I think that we are doing valuable work, and I hope that the Ukrainian community feels that value. I am grateful to Colin Beattie for his leadership on that.
No discussion of events—not only in the past three years but since the annexation of Crimea in 2014—can be had unless we recognise that Russia is the aggressor and that Ukraine is the victim. That is not a dispute between two equals; it is a war of aggression and of Putin’s imperialism. We have heard that plain and simple fact resolutely from members across the chamber. In that context, it is right to echo the sentiments that have been expressed by the Prime Minister and by colleagues from all parties and Governments in the past three years. We stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine and we will continue to do so for as long as it takes. I also express my gratitude to all those who have welcomed Ukrainians into their homes and communities.
In the many debates that we have had in support of Ukraine, I have reflected the efforts across Renfrewshire, which Neil Bibby referenced, and East Renfrewshire—in particular, those by faith communities and groups that have come together to set up a welcome hub for people from Ukraine. That has been vitally important, and long may it continue.
I will focus this evening, as many colleagues have done, on the events of the past week. The latest developments on Ukraine demonstrate that we face a once-in-a-generation moment for the collective security of our country and our continent. Global instability, Russian aggression in Ukraine, increasing threats from malign actors, climate change and rapid technological disruption have all contributed to a rapidly deteriorating security landscape. It is clear that we must protect Ukrainian sovereignty as we seek to resolve the reality with which Ukrainian people have lived for three years and longer. In that context, it is right that the UK steps forward as a leading partner to ensure our continental and global security.
In working with Ukraine to come to what we hope might be a just and lasting peace, there can be no getting away from the volatile shifts in the halls of diplomatic power. As things change rapidly, it can be all too tempting to react to every piece of news by taking to social media, or expect a running commentary from the many Government representatives and diplomats who are involved in difficult and intense negotiations. However, it has been refreshing and reassuring to see the United Kingdom Government, led by the efforts of Keir Starmer, reject that approach, roll up its sleeves and take the lead in serious diplomatic efforts to pull together our allies. Diplomacy often requires conversations and statements that are deeply uncomfortable—there is no getting away from that—and there will be many more of those to come in the days, weeks and months ahead.
Will Paul O’Kane join me in paying tribute to the King for the way in which he has handled his responsibilities in the past few days, and for the messaging through which, undoubtedly, he is giving support to the people of Ukraine and to the people of Canada?
I associate myself with Stephen Kerr’s comments. Britain has an important role in the world in what is often termed “soft power”. His Majesty the King has very clearly demonstrated his support for Ukraine and his desire to play a role in the diplomatic process as we move forward.
As I have mentioned, we must now reckon with fundamental challenges as the situation in and around Ukraine takes on a new phase. In that spirit, I greatly welcome the First Minister’s statement and comments yesterday, particularly the comment that there has been a shift in the need to prioritise our security interests, and his willingness for the Scottish Government to work with the UK Government in whatever support is required to drive forward the diplomatic and defence efforts that the Prime Minister is taking forward.
In that sense of working together, it is important that we continue to focus on how Scotland can play its role. Many direct questions that were asked in the chamber yesterday deserve further explanation. For example, my colleague Paul Sweeney touched on the aerospace, defence, marine and space industry leadership group in Scottish Enterprise, and called for a re-examination of the investment rules of the Scottish National Investment Bank on how we might drive forward defence production in Scotland.
Presiding Officer, I am conscious of the time. This has been an important debate. For the rest of our lives, none of us will forget the bravery and resilience of the Ukrainian servicemen and women, and the people of Ukraine, over the past three years. They have shown an unshakeable determination to defend their lives, their country, their way of life and the total commitment in that country to the values of democracy and the rules-based order that we all, as democrats, hold dear. They are an example to follow, and I hope that the decisions that we take in the coming period will honour their example.
18:04
I thank Colin Beattie for securing the debate and for chairing the cross-party group. I suspect that he did not foresee quite how events would unfold between his lodging of the motion on 18 February and where we are today.
Clearly, there are a number of aspects to the war in Ukraine. First, I will touch on some of the impacts in Glasgow. Across from my office, near Parkhead Cross, is St Michael’s church, which is the base for Father Andriy Chornenko, whose very long title I shall abbreviate to Vicar for Scotland of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. Mass in Ukrainian takes place there every week. Partly as a result of that, I have attended a range of events over the years at both St Michael’s and Glasgow cathedral, often with Kaukab Stewart in attendance, including the marking of Ukrainian constitution day and the memorial service for the fallen defenders of Ukraine.
If there is one thing that I can say about the Ukrainians whom I have met, it is that they are very persistent. We have also seen that persistence in President Zelenskyy, in the armed forces on the front line and in civilians still living in Ukraine, and we have seen it, too, in the many Ukrainians whom we have been pleased to welcome to Scotland. I think that persistence is a very good trait, and it is especially valuable given the present circumstances.
One issue that my staff and I were happy to help with was finding suitable premises for the Glasgow branch of St Mary’s Ukrainian school. It is a Saturday school for young people from Ukraine to allow them to keep up with their language, music and culture, even though they also attend Scottish schools every Monday to Friday. Some of the families travel quite a distance to attend St Mary’s school, and it is extremely important to them. The school has limited funding and could not afford what Glasgow City Council was charging for the use of a school each week, so we were very grateful to Glasgow Clyde College when it came forward with the offer of premises at its Langside campus.
I had the privilege of being given a tour of the classes and seeing the enthusiasm of the young people, who range in age and have a range of abilities in the English language. While I was there, they were making wristbands, alongside other craft activities, and I have to say that I failed dismally to make my wristband, as did Father Chernenko. However, I was given a completed one, which I am wearing tonight, and which is in good shape.
Another example of persistence is that of a constituent whom I share with Stuart McMillan. She has impressed us both by how often she turns up at our surgeries.
On the wider issues and the war itself, it is now three years since Russia invaded. Many of us thought that Ukraine might be able to hold out for only a matter of days before being overrun. If my memory serves me correctly, the Americans offered to airlift the President and others out of the country, but Volodymyr Zelenskyy stayed on and is still there. Clearly, Ukraine is a much smaller country than Russia, and the odds were always going to be stacked against it. Even with more weapons supplies, it lacks the manpower to match its larger neighbour.
Personally, I think that war is seldom the ideal solution to disagreements between nations, which is why I wear a white poppy each November. However, there does come a time when, either as an individual or as a nation, we have to say, “Enough is enough” and take a stand, whatever the consequences might be.
When I was a youngster, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, there was a television series called “The Flashing Blade”, and the theme song still sticks in my mind. One of the lines is:
“It’s better to have fought and lost than not have fought at all”.
That is a value that Donald Trump does not seem to understand.
I hope that there can be peace negotiations that lead to a fair and just settlement. Whatever happens, though, President Zelenskyy and the people of Ukraine should know that, by standing up to Russia as they have, they have won the greatest respect from Scotland and from the rest of the democratic world.
18:08
I thank Colin Beattie for bringing the debate to the chamber. As the deputy leader of my party, I am proud that more than 40 of his colleagues have joined him for the debate, which, to my recollection, is a record for a members’ business debate. That shows the interest in and the gravity of what we are discussing.
It is also very good to see the consul once again. As Clare Adamson mentioned, we met the consul last week at committee, when he revealed that he is a Hibs fan. That is not because it is a fantastic football team or because of Sunday’s result, but because he is aware of Hibs fans having visited Ukraine in about 2004 and of their work with orphans in Ukraine since then, as well as the work that was done for Dnipro Kids. Hibs also has a very good Ukrainian player playing for the team just now, which helps.
I am not going to deliver the speech that I had intended to deliver, because much of it has been said already. I will just pick out a few points, perhaps a little bit at random. First of all, in relation to the Ukrainians who have come to this country, members will know that I hosted a Ukrainian family for a number of months. We must acknowledge that their presence here has enriched our country in many ways.
It is important to Ukraine that many of those people go back when, hopefully, we get the just peace that we all want. Many Ukrainians will want to go back, but anybody who wants to stay should be allowed to. They add to our country—their country has added to our country. I would hope that that would happen and that they are not forced to have to apply for visas continually as time goes on, because that can be very disruptive. The family that I had had school-age children, and trying to plan a future while waiting for the next tranche of visas is not sensible.
We have talked about the armed forces in Ukraine, but we must remember that many in its armed forces were nurses, doctors and plumbers shortly before they were forced to take up arms. What they have done is utterly remarkable given that they were not trained soldiers.
As for helping Ukraine, we have to look at what the EU and Ursula von der Leyen have said. They are talking about a potential £600 billion of borrowing being brought to bear on rearmament and other defence aspects. I should say that I am not necessarily speaking for either the Government or my party when I say that, before we get into all the stuff about budgets, borrowing is perfectly legitimate when the security of one’s country is at stake. Whether it be for production lines for armaments or whatever, it is perfectly legitimate for Governments to borrow for those purposes.
We cannot access those funds, because they are EU funds, but I hope that we will do something similar in the UK to ensure that we can bring the maximum possible support and the maximum possible deterrence to bear. It should be about deterring Russian aggression.
What we are seeing from the United States is something akin to a protection racket. It is saying, “We will defend you from a bully if you give us money.” It is absolutely appalling. There has not been a counterpart to that in international relations that I can remember.
This, too, is true: given all the stuff that has been demanded of the Ukrainians, where is the demand on the Russians—that is, the aggressors? The US has told Russia that it will no longer be subject to cyber activity from the US. It has been rewarded for its behaviour. It is unbelievable how the world has changed.
Does the member agree that, when the war is won and Russia is kicked out of Ukraine, repatriations from Russia will be the only sensible way of resolving the rebuilding that will be needed afterwards?
I agree with the spirit of what Edward Mountain says. Liam McArthur made a point about the need to distinguish between Putin and the Russian people. We have learned the lessons of applying overly punitive sanctions, given what happened after the first world war, so I would be careful about that. However, the principle that Russia should pay is a very good one.
It is not true to say that JD Vance was a Royal Marine—that would be a bit of a stretch of the imagination. He was apparently a marine, but I am not sure that he would have completed the course at Lympstone had he tried to do so.
We have to bear in mind that we are still grappling with the significance of what is actually happening. Today, we have heard China say that it is ready for any kind of war. We are seeing a war in Europe. Article 5 of the NATO treaty has been completely undermined. If we think through the consequences, it should be clear how urgent and huge the task in front of us is. It is for those reasons that I agree with the comments made by all the other members who have said that we have to treat this situation extremely seriously. We have to be deal with it urgently.
The pax Americana, as it has been called, is coming to an end. The world is being upended. Australia and New Zealand are concerned for their security because of the changes that we have seen.
Given all of that, we have to concentrate on what we can do. The one thing that we must do is acknowledge that the fight of the Ukrainians is the fight of all Europeans, as the consul told us last week. We are in this fight and we have to play our part in it.
I am very supportive of all the comments that have been made by members. I am also pleased that we had a statement on the issue yesterday and are having this debate today, and I hope that we continue to do that sort of thing. I should also say that, prior to the leader of the Conservative Party asking whether the President of Ukraine could come, I mentioned the same thing last week in committee. I hope that we can do that. Such a request would rightly come from the Presiding Officer, but I hope that it can happen. In the meantime, we certainly stand with Ukraine.
I call cabinet secretary Angus Robertson to respond to the debate.
18:14
I thank Colin Beattie for bringing the debate to the chamber and, as ever, for his long-standing and steadfast support for Ukraine. As other members have done, I acknowledge the presence of the Consul of Ukraine, Andrii Madzyanovski, and other members of the Ukrainian Scottish community. As Liam McArthur has done, I share our appreciation for his predecessors, Andrii Kuzlii, and, before him, Yevhen Mankovskyi, who also played such an important role after the full-scale Russian invasion.
It is important to remember that, as a number of colleagues have pointed out, the Russian aggression started not three years ago but way before that. That is the Ukrainian experience. If you want to know about Russia’s imperial ambitions, speak to the Georgians in Abkhazia or South Ossetia, or to the Moldovans—the list goes on. We have been reminded about 1958 in Hungary and 1968 in Czechoslovakia. The Soviets and the Russians have form in all this.
The statement from the Prime Minister in the House of Commons on Monday afternoon, reflecting on the European leaders’ summit, was extraordinarily welcome. Given the literally dangerous situation that we find ourselves in, the fact that there is cross-party support not only in this debate but more widely—which is perhaps too rare—is a reflection of our understanding of how important it is that we work together.
That was echoed yesterday by the First Minister’s statement in the Parliament. The First Minister emphasised a number of themes that I think have come through in the contributions that we have heard. We have heard all about the courage and determination of Ukraine’s democratically elected President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and, indeed, of all Ukrainians, not only since Russia’s full-scale invasion but since the invasion of Crimea, in the east of the country, years previously.
Rather than single out any particular speech, I pay tribute to everybody who has spoken, because everybody has spoken in support of Ukraine this evening.
I absolutely welcome what the cabinet secretary has said about the cross-party support for Ukraine that we are hearing here this evening. We need to maintain that and to consistently support Ukraine for the long term. Will he join me in welcoming the 100-year co-operation agreement between the United Kingdom and Ukraine and in saying that we should steadfastly support Ukraine for the long term?
Absolutely. That is really important. I agree with Neil Bibby.
I want to reflect on a number of things that members raised. We cannot countenance the warning of inaction in the face of aggression. We should give consideration to what happens with Russian assets, €300 billion-worth of which are deposited in Europe. We should also consider the growing European commitments to defence and security.
There has not been much mention today, either here or in the UK media, of what I consider to be the historic announcement by Germany yesterday—probably the biggest single financial announcement that has been made by a German Government since the second world war—of new spending of €500 billion on defence and infrastructure. Germany understands the scale that we will have to aim for. That lesson about the scale of the challenge that we are facing needs to be learned by other Governments, including our own.
We have heard about the importance of a just peace a number of times. When I hear some people talking about securing peace for Ukraine, I fear that it sounds a lot like surrender with a bow on top. We need to remember that Russia can end this war tomorrow; it just needs to withdraw its troops and leave. I agree that it should pay for what it has done to Ukraine. [Applause.]
Last week, we marked three years since Russia’s brutal full-scale attack on Ukraine. How much we owe to the Ukrainians who resisted at Hostomel right at the start. Just imagine what would have happened if the Russians had managed to take that airfield and proceeded with their plans. The Ukrainians resisted, they stood, they defeated the Russians at Hostomel, and the rest is history. They have been able to withstand the Russian aggression at great cost.
We are repulsed by the appalling and shocking violence that we have seen, but we remain inspired by the on-going strength, resilience and bravery of the Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian armed forces. That includes all those who are fighting on the front lines, the families who have had to leave their homes and loved ones behind in search of safety elsewhere, and the people who are having to go to the bunkers for safety because of the daily rocket attacks on cities throughout Ukraine.
We must realise the significance of the moment that we face.
I know that the cabinet secretary was a member of the Intelligence and Security Committee at Westminster for a number of years. Will he reflect on the pervasive nature of Russian misinformation and propaganda, which is currently flooding all the social network platforms and having a regrettable influence on the direction of public opinion?
We most certainly should be aware of that danger, and we should counter it. We should make sure that we can rely on reliable news sources. However, it should surely be obvious to anybody that Russia invaded Ukraine. There is no doubt about that, regardless of some of the revisionism that we have heard in recent weeks and months. Let us never tire of pointing out the fact that Russia invaded Ukraine. Russia is the aggressor, Ukraine is the victim, and we stand with Ukraine.
Thousands of Ukrainians who have made Scotland their home will be deeply concerned by recent developments. As members across the chamber have done, I offer an assurance of our continuing commitment to securing a strong and durable peace that ensures that Ukraine has a secure future. We are clear that there can be no negotiations about Ukraine without Ukraine being at the heart of the talks. We all wish a speedy victory for Ukraine and a resolution that restores peace to the Ukrainian people and ensures Ukrainian sovereignty, democracy, independence and its territorial integrity.
Ukrainians continue to stand firm and are defending their country, their homes, their culture and their independence. Their spirit serves as a powerful reminder of the importance of freedom and the lengths to which people will go to protect it. It is a moment not only to acknowledge the horrors of war, but to celebrate the enduring hope and courage that persist even in these darkest of times.
Now more than ever, we need to emphasise the importance of global dialogues and unity across the political spectrum. As the First Minister has emphasised, we all need to find a cool and rational way through the current challenges that we face.
Throughout the three years of war since the full-scale invasion, the Scottish Government has repeatedly condemned Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine. We must continue to show that we are steadfast behind Ukraine and alongside our partners in Europe. There were strong signs of European unity and solidarity on display in London at the weekend. I was encouraged to see the shared commitment to stepping up to support Ukraine.
As part of our on-going solidarity, we will continue to support our friends from Ukraine to settle well in Scotland. We will endeavour to do everything that we can to provide a warm future and to support them to build a new life here. Since the war against Ukraine began, more than 28,000 people with a Scottish sponsor have arrived in the UK, and 21,000 of those arrivals have come through the Scottish Government’s successful supersponsorship scheme. That has enabled us to offer sanctuary to more Ukrainians than any other part of the UK. I am incredibly proud of the kindness and friendship that have been extended by people across Scotland to those who are fleeing war. Many people have opened their homes to Ukrainians, offered them a safe place to stay and helped them to settle into life here.
I would also like to take a moment to acknowledge the work of our local authorities and our third sector partners across Scotland, which continue to ensure that Ukrainian people are able to access the services that they need. Ukrainian communities are now flourishing across Scotland, from the Western Isles to Dumfries and Galloway, and from Orkney to the Scottish Borders.
In my role as cabinet secretary, I have had the pleasure and the honour to meet so many Ukrainian people across Scotland and to hear at first hand their personal stories. The past three years have allowed so many Ukrainians to become our friends, our neighbours and our colleagues. While many Ukrainians have been helped by the Scottish welcome, we, in turn, are rewarded by the Ukrainian families who have come here. I say “Thank you” to those from Ukraine who have made Scotland their home for now.
As we continue to hope for peace in Ukraine, our message remains the same. We will continue to stand with the courageous people of Ukraine. We will continue to take an approach that is shaped by our compassion and the need to stand up for democracy, human rights and the rule of law, and we remain fully committed to supporting Ukraine’s long-term future and playing our full part in helping to deliver it.
Slava Ukraini. Heroyam slava. [Applause.]
Meeting closed at 18:24.Air ais
Decision Time